“Dana” Clothing Industry Plant

The “Dana” Clothing Industry Plant (1945–2002) was not only one of Szczecin’s symbols but also a reflection of the ambitions and limitations of the socialist economy. Its history tells the story of building an industry almost from scratch, in the realities of postwar chaos, ideological control, and shortages—yet also of creativity, determination, and the importance of (women’s) labor. Over the years, it came to be remembered mainly as a factory for women’s and girls’ fashion, but its beginnings were entirely different: the production line initially turned out men’s garments, uniforms, workwear, and even patched-up sacks.

The early phase of “Dana’s” existence dates back to 1945, when two buildings formerly occupied by German clothing companies—Paul Käster A.G. (at Grünstrasse 16–17, today’s 5 Lipca Street) and Wilhelm Vordemfelde A.G. (Turnerstrasse 20–22, now Jagiellońska Street)—were allocated for the establishment of the State Clothing Plants. Although the facilities inherited some infrastructure from their previous tenants, it required extensive adaptation and the installation of a new set of machinery. This, however, did not resolve organizational issues: administrative chaos prevailed, and the shortage of qualified staff forced the temporary employment of German specialists (despite top-down pressure to recruit a Polish workforce). The rebuilding of the industry was further hindered by looters who stole, among other things, sewing machines. There were also assaults on employees, which heightened the sense of insecurity among the staff.

The emerging factories were a political project. The launch of Factory No. 1 (at 16–17 5 Lipca Street) on November 1, 1945, was treated as a showcase example of rebuilding industry in the Recovered Territories, carried out solely with state funds and initiative. Factory No. 2 (at 20–21–22 Jagiellońska Street) was opened in 1946, following the takeover of a clothing factory in Myślibórz and the use of its resources for the needs of the new production plant. In 1949, operations expanded to another facility—the former branch of the Karstadt AG department stores and a men’s clothing factory—which was transformed into a sewing workshop (today’s “Dana” Hotel).

Today, it is impossible to point with certainty to all the factors that led to the establishment of a large clothing plant specifically in Szczecin, but it can be assumed that the decision resulted from several coexisting elements—both pragmatic and ideological. After 1945, Szczecin was a city with an unsettled social structure, affected by the displacement of the German population while simultaneously absorbing settlers from various regions of Poland. It is likely that the creation of industrial plants was meant to serve a stabilizing and integrating function. A large state-owned enterprise offering employment (particularly for women) became not only a workplace but also a point of support for the new urban community. In the dominant heavy industries of the time (shipyards, ports, assembly plants), men prevailed. In contrast, the clothing factories provided jobs for women, creating balance and responding to real market needs. The post-German industrial infrastructure was also of great importance. Although the buildings and equipment were partly damaged, they offered a material basis for launching production with relatively modest investment.

It is also hard not to notice that this decision aligned with the broader goals of the PRL authorities. Establishing state-owned clothing factories in Pomerania was, in the long run, intended to strengthen both the economic and symbolic rooting of Szczecin as a Polish city. Additionally, as a port center with access to maritime routes, Szczecin offered opportunities for efficient export. It is difficult to say to what extent this role was planned from the outset, but by the 1960s the factories were undoubtedly fulfilling export contracts—to the GDR, the USSR, and later even to African and Middle Eastern countries. In this sense, the clothing plant in Szczecin served not only a local role but also a nationwide one, as a link in the strategy of the socialist economy.

The late 1940s and early 1950s brought attempts to build a workforce base. Through the organization of apprenticeships and the employment of young workers, the training of future technical specialists began. Despite these efforts, the development of the plants was effectively hindered by a lack of modern machinery, shortages of raw materials, and rigid, centrally imposed regulations.

In the early 1950s, the plants underwent several name changes, reflecting a lack of established identity and experimentation with production profiles. In 1951, leadership was taken over by Domicela Mazurkiewicz, who had started working at the enterprise in 1946 as a seamstress and later advanced to the position of head of the cutting department. She served as director until her retirement in the 1980s. Mazurkiewicz was one of the most charismatic figures in the history of the plant. Her career path was an example of exceptional determination and organizational skills. Remembered by her colleagues as demanding but fair, she knew how to fight for workers’ rights while simultaneously ensuring the development of the enterprise. Her long-standing presence at the factory made her not only a director but also the face of the institution, a symbol of female leadership in the textile industry. In 1952, after being incorporated into the structure of the July 22 Tailoring Cooperative, the plant adopted the name July 22 Clothing Industry Plant. The clarification of its name and the beginning of the new director’s tenure set the course for changes that eventually led to the birth of “Dana.”

In the 1960s, the plant entered a period of stabilization and development that transformed its character. It was during this time that the production profile changed. The factory gradually moved away from sewing workwear (though it remained part of production plans for years to come) in favor of more diverse, aesthetic, and functional designs in women’s fashion. Within the framework of a planned economy, large clothing factories were obliged not only to implement designs imposed by higher institutions (including the Clothing Industry Union in Łódź and the Central Laboratory of the Clothing Industry in Łódź), but also to establish their own design and pattern studios as part of their organizational structure. At the July 22 Clothing Industry Plant, such a studio was created in 1962.

The plant’s success was largely driven by a team of talented designers. Among them were graduates of the art academy in Łódź—Zofia Zdun-Matraszek, Halina Karpińska, and Izabela Wójcik-Górska—as well as Kaja Wróblewska, educated at the State Higher School of Fine Arts in Gdańsk. These designers skillfully combined contemporary trends with local tastes and the realities of a planned economy. Their work went far beyond passively reproducing patterns—they became increasingly visible participants in the decision-making process. That process, however, was lengthy and bound by numerous stages of review, which significantly slowed down the introduction of new models. Every clothing design had to be approved by internal evaluation committees before reaching production. The meetings of these committees were often formal and conservative, guided less by current fashion trends than by the technological capabilities of the factory and the requirements of the central plan. As a result, the final product often differed from the designer’s original concept—simplified, modified, or made from materials other than those intended. This hierarchical process made it difficult to respond flexibly to the changing needs of the market and limited the creative freedom of the design team.

The designers did not blindly submit to the system; instead, they showed consistency and determination in their work. They drew inspiration both from foreign magazines and from everyday life: school corridors, city streets, and the needs of the younger generation (letters from consumers often reached the design department). Szczecin’s location favored contacts with the GDR, providing access to interesting patterns from the East German market. Nevertheless, a constant tension existed between creative impulses and the reality of mass production—the clash between the need for flexibility in following trends and the rigidity of normative planning proved impossible to reconcile.

In the reality of chronic shortages that defined everyday life in the PRL, the designers often showed remarkable ingenuity. Zofia Zdun-Matraszek, the plant’s longtime chief designer, recalled how she once asked mechanics to turn large, striking beads out of a workshop chair leg. The wooden jewelry became an accessory to a simple blouse and was immediately well received, proving that fashion could be created even from scraps. On another occasion, when clothing across the country was steeped in drabness, the factory released the “Polish Flowers” collection, made from their own hand-produced, colorful fabrics. The brightly colored garments, seemingly in defiance of reality, became a symbol of aesthetic resistance.

The changes of the 1960s were sealed in 1967, when the plant’s name was changed—this time permanently. It was then that “Dana” was born, and in the following decades it gained the status of an icon of both local and Polish clothing industry, becoming one of the most important reference points in the fashion history of Szczecin.

It is worth emphasizing once again that the plant employed mainly women, which was particularly significant in the context of Szczecin—a city dominated by heavy industry, shipyards, and the port. “Dana” created a space for women’s professional activity, growth, and independence. It was even called the “shipyard workers’ wives’ factory,” not only because many of the employed women were connected to shipyard employees, but also because it played an important role in balancing the local labor market and enabling women to reconcile professional and family roles. Working at “Dana” provided not only employment but also a sense of belonging and pride in contributing to the production of essential goods.

The work culture at “Dana” was deeply rooted in the socialist model of organizing professional life. Employees had access to a kindergarten, a cafeteria, a library, as well as a wide range of extracurricular activities—from sports clubs such as fencing or kayaking to organized vacations and summer camps, including those at the “Honoratka” resort in Świnoujście. There was also a company school where future seamstresses were trained in their trade.

“Dana” functioned not only as a production plant but also as an important center of cultural life. Among others, the Filipinki performed in “Dana’s” outfits. Clothing produced within its walls regularly appeared in the women’s press of the time—photographed, promoted, and discussed—becoming objects of dreams and aspirations. Models for fashion shows were often discovered in everyday places: in the cafeteria, on the street, or in a tram. The plant took part in industry exhibitions and received distinctions. The 1960s were a period when “Dana” established its position not only as a strong enterprise of the light industry but also as a brand with social and cultural significance. It was regarded as modern, open to change, and sensitive to aesthetics—despite systemic limitations.

According to contemporary promotional materials, “Dana’s” products were available in stores throughout Poland. The plant was also active in exports—its clothing reached more than ten countries, including the USSR, the GDR, Hungary, Norway, Lebanon, and Ghana. Another common practice was contract sewing using materials provided by foreign trade partners. Each year, “Dana” consumed between 8 and 9 million meters of fabric, sourced from the largest domestic textile plants (including those in Łódź, Kalisz, and Żyrardów). By the standards of the time, the production process was modern, and prices were—at least in theory—meant to remain accessible to a wide range of customers. In reality, however, the situation was more complex. One of the key problems was the limited availability of products—the plant was unable to fully meet domestic demand. Efforts to simplify designs and shorten production times were meant to enable quicker responses to market needs, but the results were limited. Moreover, in relation to average wages, clothing prices still remained high and out of reach for many customers. It is also worth noting that the production lines continued to turn out workwear, as everything ultimately depended on the central plan.

The 1970s marked the peak of “Dana’s” prosperity. The brand was well recognized both in Poland and abroad, with its collections showcased at prestigious events such as the Poznań International Fair. In 1979, a fashion show held in Basel, Switzerland, was enthusiastically received by the Commercial Counselor of the PRL Embassy, further enhancing the factory’s reputation. At both domestic and international trade fairs, “Dana’s” products were eagerly presented and awarded—praised for their high quality, aesthetics, and modern design. Particular attention was drawn to the practicality of the garments, their versatility, and their alignment with current fashion trends.

There were, however, two sides to the story—on one hand, impressive design and organizational (or perhaps propagandistic) achievements, and on the other, structural problems characteristic of the entire PRL economic system. Despite its image and export successes, the company struggled with many difficulties. Particularly significant were shortages of materials (such as poor-quality fabrics and limited access to accessories), staffing deficits, problems with production flow, and the overburdening of both designers and the manufacturing process, which often operated in a “race against time.” The press criticized the gap between social demand and the factory’s production capabilities.

The early 1980s brought a dramatic deterioration of the country’s economic situation, which strongly affected “Dana’s” operations. The plant struggled with a lack of raw materials, frequent production stoppages, and growing uncertainty. During martial law, working hours were reduced, and material shortages paralyzed the fulfillment of production plans. Despite these challenges, the factory endured—thanks to the solidarity and determination of its female workforce, who often supported one another and maintained continuity of work. Exhibitions, fashion shows, and educational activities were still organized, allowing “Dana” to preserve the image of an active and innovative company.

After 1989, “Dana,” like many other state-owned enterprises, faced the challenge of adapting to the rules of a free-market economy. Transformed into an employee-owned company, it made attempts to sustain its operations under the new conditions. “Dana” S.A. took over the assets of the former Clothing Industry Plant but was unable to withstand the growing competition from foreign clothing companies. From 1998 onward, the company’s financial situation steadily worsened—declining orders and price pressure from Western brands led to a loss of liquidity and mounting debt. In 2002, the company declared bankruptcy. Four years later (in 2006), the site of the former factory was sold to a developer. After the demolition of the industrial buildings, the Hanza Tower skyscraper was erected, while the modernized building of the former Karstadt AG department store branch was transformed into the exclusive “Dana” Hotel—an investment that symbolically closed the chapter of Szczecin’s clothing industry history.

The “Dana” Clothing Industry Plant was not only a chapter in the history of Szczecin’s industry but also an important element of the city’s cultural heritage. It can be regarded as an icon—both economically and socially. Its role extended beyond production: it was a place of women’s professional advancement, a space for creative design, and a stabilizing factor in postwar Szczecin. “Dana” provided a counterbalance to the city’s landscape dominated by heavy industry. It was there, in the production halls and design offices, that the idea of fashion in the realities of the PRL was shaped.

Although today only archival traces and memories remain of the factory, its significance in collective memory is undeniable—as a symbol of ambition, resourcefulness, and urban identity. In 2021, former employees spoke about it on the television program Dzień Dobry TVN. A 2023 photo exhibition by Włodzimierz Piątek at the Museum of Technology in Szczecin revived the memory of those who helped shape fashion and industry in times of shortage and constraint. “Dana” serves as a reminder of the importance of local narratives, women’s stories, and Szczecin’s industrial heritage. It is not only a return to the aesthetics and style of past decades but, above all, an expression of recognition for the talent, determination, and commitment of the thousands of women who co-created the factory—from producing uniforms to designing export collections.

More:

Informatory ZPO „Dana” 1968, 1970, 1973, RSW “Prasa” Redakcja Morska WAG w Szczecinie.

Archiwum Państwowe w Szczecinie, Zespół: Zakłady Przemysłu Odzieżowego „Dana” w Szczecinie, sygn. 65/434/0.

Archiwum Państwowe w Łodzi, Zespół: Laboratorium Przemysłu Odzieżowego w Łodzi, sygn. 39/1880/0.

Plastyk moda przemysł, BWA Szczecin, 1971.

Anna Sienkiewicz-Rogaś